For
women in Nigeria, as in many settings, simply being married can
contribute to the risk of contracting HIV. I studied men’s extramarital
sexual behavior in the context of modern marriage in southeastern
Nigeria. The results indicate that the social organization of infidelity
is shaped by economic inequality, aspirations for modern lifestyles,
gender disparities, and contradictory moralities. It is men’s anxieties
and ambivalence about masculinity, sexual morality, and social
reputation in the context of seeking modern lifestyles—rather than
immoral sexual behavior and traditional culture—that exacerbate the
risks of HIV/AIDS.
Data
from around the world, including Nigeria, suggest that married women’s
greatest risk of contracting HIV is through sexual intercourse with
their husbands.1
The implication is that men are acquiring HIV outside of marriage and
infecting their wives. At first glance, modern marriage in Nigeria would
seem to offer women greater autonomy and equality and perhaps
protection from HIV. The growing prevalence of monogamy, declining
fertility, a trend toward neolocal residence (establishing marital
residence independent of kin) and nuclear household organization,
women’s increasing education and participation in the formal workforce
as more people migrate to cities, and the rise of love as an important
rationale in the selection of a spouse all suggest the possibility of
growing gender equality in marriage. But the findings presented in this
study show that gender inequality persists in powerful ways, manifested
perhaps most obviously—and certainly most dangerously with regard to the
risk of HIV infection—in a pronounced double standard for extramarital
sexuality. In contemporary Nigeria, married men are much more likely
than married women to engage in extramarital sex, and it is more
acceptable for them to do so.2
The
prevalence of men’s participation in extramarital sex and the fact that
women’s sexuality is, ironically, the target of popular discourse about
sexual immorality attest to the persistence of gender inequality.3
Modern marriage in Nigeria, despite its appearance of greater equality,
places many women in positions in which they cannot easily confront
their husbands about infidelity or protect themselves from possible HIV
infection. The findings presented here, however, go further than simply
attributing the marital transmission of HIV to men’s behavior. Men’s
extramarital sexual practices are situated in economic, social, and
moral contexts. The social organization of extramarital sexuality is
shaped by aspirations for modern amenities and middle-class consumption,
the influence of urban fashions, and changing expectations of
sexuality. My findings show that these goals and values are themselves
shaped by economic inequality, gender disparities, and powerful and
contradictory moralities. I argue against notions of African traditions,
promiscuous women, and pervasive immorality as the causes of Nigeria’s
and Africa’s AIDS epidemic.
The data demonstrate that
married men’s risky sexual behavior and their wives’ inability to
protect themselves can be understood and explained without resorting to
the common fallacy of blaming the victims. It is people’s anxieties
about sexual morality in the context of seeking modern lifestyles—rather
than immoral sexual behavior somehow associated with traditional
culture—that exacerbate risks produced by poverty and inequality. The
focus here on how men navigate modernity, morality, and masculinity as
they engage in extramarital relationships highlights the importance of
intervening directly with men to address women’s risk of contracting
HIV. Public health interventions focusing on men in Nigeria and similar
settings where men’s extramarital sex is common and gender inequality is
marked are urgently needed.
Nigeria is the
most populous country in Africa, with more than 130 million people. With
the current adult HIV seroprevalence estimated at 5%, some 3.5 million
people are infected.4
Worst-case scenarios suggest that in the next decade infection rates
could escalate to 20%, producing more than 10 million new cases.5
More moderate forecasts, such as the Nigerian government’s estimates,
acknowledge that by 2015, some 8 million Nigerians will have died from
AIDS-related causes.6
With the country’s testing and antiretroviral therapy programs still
reaching only a fraction of the target population, effective prevention
efforts remain a crucial strategy. But perhaps not surprisingly, in a
context in which both popular and political discourse on the disease
continue to emphasize sexual immorality as a primary risk factor, little
appetite exists for focusing on the risks of marital transmission. Even
as—and largely because—marriage remains the single most important
social duty and marker of adulthood in Nigeria, both policymakers and
ordinary citizens remain resistant to the idea that marriage must be
understood as a risk factor for HIV infection.
STUDY SETTING AND RESEARCH DESIGN
The
study was undertaken in 2 communities in Igbo-speaking southeastern
Nigeria, where I have worked and conducted research since 1989. The
project areas included the semirural community of Ubakala in Abia State
and the city of Owerri in Imo State. Ubakala is made up of 11 villages
and has a total resident population of approximately 24 000 people. Most
households rely economically on a combination of farming, trading,
employment, and remittances from migrants. The community is about 6
miles from the town of Umuahia, and everyday life is increasingly
affected by the close proximity of an urban center. Further, the vast
majority of adults in Ubakala have lived a year or more in one of
Nigeria’s many cities, and at any given time, more than half the people
who consider Ubakala their home are living outside the community, mostly
in Nigeria’s far-flung cities and towns. With very few exceptions, the
entire population of Ubakala is Christian, and most people are regular
participants in the activities of 1 of the many churches present in the
area. A majority of men and women younger than 50 years have completed
at least primary school and are literate, and nearly all parents aspire
to have their children attend secondary school and a university. Despite
significant changes over the past several decades that have placed
strains on traditional systems of social organization, ties of kinship
and community remain powerful among both Ubakala residents and their
migrant brethren.
Owerri is the capital of Imo State and
has a population of approximately 350 000 people. Many of the city’s
residents work as civil servants for the state government, but there are
also large commercial and service sectors. The bulk of the population
is made up of migrants from rural areas, most of whom retain close ties
to their places of origin. As in Ubakala and in the entire southeastern
region, Christianity is nearly ubiquitous. In addition, Owerri is the
home of 4 colleges and universities and has a student population of
close to 100 000. Partly because of the presence of colleges and
universities, which concentrate a large population of educated young
women, married men’s favored partners for extramarital affairs, the city
has a reputation throughout southern Nigeria as a hub for extramarital
sexual relationships. Owerri was selected as a second site to explore
rural–urban differences in perceptions and practices in modern marriage
and in men’s extramarital sexual behavior and because of its supposed
status as a breeding ground for infidelity.
I spent
June to December 2004 in Nigeria, living in a household in Ubakala that
included a married woman, several children, and a migrant husband, and
in a household in Owerri with a young newlywed couple. Four local
research assistants were hired to assist with marital case-study
interviews in both sites. Two female research assistants conducted the
marital case study interviews with women in Ubakala; I conducted the
interviews with men. In Owerri, male and female assistants conducted the
marital case study interviews with men and women, respectively. I
conducted participant observation in both settings and was responsible
for key informant interviews in each venue. Table 1
provides a summary of key participant observation venues and
activities. Key informants included community leaders, religious
leaders, government and nongovernment medical and public health
officials, commercial sex workers, and people living with HIV/AIDS.
Popular cultural and archival materials related to marriage, sexuality,
and Nigeria’s HIV epidemic were also collected.
Marital
case studies were conducted with 20 couples, 14 residing in Ubakala and
6 residing in Owerri. The couples were selected opportunistically with
the objective of sampling marriages of different generations and
duration, couples with a range of socioeconomic and educational
profiles, and marriages in both rural and urban settings. People in
Owerri and Ubakala were better off economically than were residents of
some other regions of Nigeria. Although the sample in the marital case
studies is skewed to what might be described as an aspiring middle class
(most couples were not actually middle class), because of rising
education levels and increasing urban exposure that are common in
southeastern Nigeria, most Igbo people share characteristics and
aspirations evident in the sample. For individual couples, men were
almost always older than their wives (typically by 5–10 years) and
tended to have higher incomes. However, educational disparities between
husbands and wives, although skewed in favor of men, were relatively
small, reflecting both the overall increase in access to education and
people’s preference to marry partners of similar accomplishment. A
breakdown of the marital case study sample is provided in Table 2 .
Sample Characteristics of the Couples (N = 20) in the Marital Case Study Sample: Southeastern Nigeria, June–December 2004
Interviews
were conducted in 3 parts, generally in 3 sessions, each approximately 1
to 1.5 hours in duration. Husbands and wives were interviewed
separately. All respondents agreed to participation after being
presented with protocols for informed consent approved by institutional
review boards in both the United States and Nigeria. The first interview
concentrated primarily on pre-marital experiences, courtship, and the
early stages of marriage. The second interview examined in greater depth
the overall experience of marriage, including issues such as marital
communication, decisionmaking, child rearing, resolution of disputes,
relations with family, and changes in the marital relationship over
time. The final interview focused on marital sexuality, extramarital
sexual relationships, and understandings and experiences regarding
HIV/AIDS. All interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, and the
interviews were coded using ATLAS.ti (ATLAS.ti GmbH, Berlin, Germany)
ethnographic software.
MODERN MARRIAGE IN SOUTHEASTERN NIGERIA
Scholars of West African society have long recognized the pronounced social importance of marriage and fertility in the region.7
Over the past several decades, African societies changed dramatically,
and with these changes the institution of marriage was also transformed.
Modern marriages were becoming increasingly common in urban centers in
West Africa more than 50 years ago, and in some places these changes
have even earlier roots.8
In Igbo-speaking southeastern Nigeria, urban elites have practiced what
might be called modern marriage since the 1950s, but only in the past 2
or 3 decades have new forms of marriage become common among ordinary
people, including in rural areas.9
Perhaps
the most concise way to contrast modern Igbo marriages with the past is
to note that young couples see their marriages as a life project in
which they as a couple are the primary actors, whereas their parents’
marriages were more obviously embedded in the structures of the extended
family. The differences are most pronounced in narratives about
courtship, in the way husbands and wives describe how they resolve
marital quarrels and in the way they make decisions about and contribute
to their children’s education. In each of these arenas, people in more
modern marriages tend to emphasize the primacy of the individual couple,
often in conscious opposition to the constraints imposed by ties to
kinship and community. Table 3 summarizes the predominant characteristics of modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria.
It
is important not to exaggerate these trends. Even in the most modern
marriages, ties to kin and community remain strong, and marriage and
child rearing continue to be strongly embedded in the values and social
networks of the extended-family system. Indeed, the continued importance
of ties to family and community and ongoing concerns about the
collective expectations of wider social networks permeate people’s
stories of modern courtship, the resolution of marital disputes, and
decisions about child rearing. The choice of a spouse based on love is,
in almost all cases, still subjected to the advice and consent of
families. The fact that modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria remains a
resolutely social endeavor creates contradictions for younger couples,
who must navigate not only their individual relationships but also the
outward representation of their marriages to kin and community. Most
couples seek to portray their marriages to themselves and to others as
being modern but also moral, and this is crucial to explaining the
dynamics of men’s extramarital sexual relationships, married women’s
responses to men’s infidelity, and the risk of HIV infection in
marriage.
GENDER AND THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF EXTRAMARITAL SEX
The prevalence of married men’s participation in extramarital sex in Nigeria is well documented.10
However, conventional scholarly understandings and explanations for the
phenomenon are not persuasive. Because they tend to reproduce common
stereotypes, they often ignore the diversity and complexity of these
relationships and overlook men’s ambivalence that sometimes accompanies
this behavior. As in many societies, people in southeastern Nigeria
commonly attribute men’s more frequent participation in extramarital
sexual relationships to some sort of innate male predisposition, and
this perspective is well represented in the literature.11
Some men and women interviewed in the marital case studies articulated
this view. In response to a question about why married men seek
extramarital lovers, a 54-year-old civil engineer in Owerri repeated a
pidgin English phrase heard frequently among Nigerian men: “Man no be
wood. It’s something men need, especially African men. You know we have a
polygamous culture. This practice of marrying only one wife is the
influence of Christianity. But men still have that desire for more than
one woman.” Only a piece of wood, he implies, lacks an outward-looking
sexual appetite.
Although it is important to
note that many Nigerian men and women share a conception of men’s sexual
desire that includes a notion that men naturally need or want multiple
sexual partners, not everyone sees it this way. Further, explaining
men’s extramarital sexual behavior in these terms is insufficient
because sexual desires do not emerge or operate in a social and cultural
vacuum. Rather, interviewing men about their extramarital
relationships, listening to men’s conversations among themselves
pertaining to these relationships, and observing men interacting with
their extramarital partners in various public or semi-public settings
revealed several patterns in the social organization of extramarital
sex. Three sociological factors are particularly important for
explaining the opportunity structures that facilitate men’s
participation in extramarital sexual relationships: work-related
migration, socioeconomic status, and involvement in predominately male
peer groups that encourage or reward extramarital sexual relations.
Table 4 summarizes the explanations of how each of these factors functions.
Primary Factors Influencing Men’s Extramarital Sexual Behavior: Southeastern Nigeria, June–December 2004
Mobility and Migration
Of
the 20 men interviewed in the marital case studies, 14 reported having
extramarital sex at some point during their marriages, and of the 6 who
said they had not engaged in extramarital sex, 4 had been married less
than 5 years. Approximately half of all the cases of extramarital
relationships described in the interviews occurred in situations in
which work-related mobility was a factor.12
In contemporary southeastern Nigeria, both short-term and long-term
absences caused by work-related mobility and migration are exceedingly
common. For men and women who work for the government, by far Nigeria’s
largest formal employer, frequent transfers often separate families.
Further, the country’s insecure economy and the prevalence of
participation by Igbo people in commercial activities of every scale
require frequent mobility and migration, often resulting in periods of
spousal separation.
Men whose work takes them away from
their wives and families are more likely to have extramarital
relationships, and they frequently attribute their behavior to the
opportunities and hardships produced by these absences. A 47-year-old
civil servant whose postings frequently took him away from his family
explained a relatively long-term relationship with a woman in 1 of the
places he was transferred: “I stayed a long time without my wife. But
eventually this woman befriended me. She was a widow and a very nice
woman. She cooked for me and provided companionship. Later, I was
transferred back home, and it was over. It was like that.” Although
men’s representations of hardship as a justification for extramarital
sex contradict the realities of male privilege in Nigeria’s
gender-unequal social order, they nevertheless reflect many Nigerians’
sense that work-related migration creates not only opportunities but
also pressures to become involved in extramarital relationships.
Further,
extramarital relationships in the context of economically driven
migration can be more easily hidden from wives, family, and neighbors.
Every man in the sample who admitted to having extramarital sex
expressed the importance of keeping such relationships secret not only
from his wife but also from his extended family and local community.
Men’s motivations for keeping extramarital relationships hidden included
not only a desire to maintain peace and uphold the appearance of
fidelity for their wives but also a clear concern over their own social
reputation. The civil servant who described his away-from-home
relationship with a widow also said, “I am a matured man with
responsibilities in my community—in the church, in various associations.
I hold offices in these organizations. I can’t be seen to be running
here and there chasing after women. My own son is almost a man now. How
can I advise him if I am known for doing this and that?” To the degree
that male infidelity is socially acceptable, it is even more strongly
expected that outside affairs should not threaten a marriage, and this
mandates discretion. Many men were ambivalent about their extramarital
sexual behavior, but in most cases they viewed it as acceptable, given
an appropriate degree of prudence so as not to disgrace their spouses,
themselves, and their families.
Masculinity and Socioeconomic Status
For
the vast majority of male interviewees, issues of socioeconomic status,
specifically the intersection of economic and gender inequality,
featured in accounts of their extramarital relationships. Most often, a
man’s relationship to his female lover included an expectation that the
man provide certain kinds of economic support. Men frequently view
extramarital relationships as arenas for the expression of economic and
masculine status. Indeed, it is necessary to understand the intertwining
of masculinity and wealth, and gender and economics more generally, to
make sense of the most common forms of extramarital sexual relationships
in southeastern Nigeria.
In popular discourse, the
most common form of economically driven extramarital relationships is
said to be so-called “sugar daddy” relationships, wherein married men of
means engage in sexual relationships with much younger women with the
expectation that the men will provide various forms of economic support
in exchange for sex. Although many Nigerians, including many of the
participants in these relationships, view sugar daddy relationships in
fairly stark economic terms—exemplified by a common expression among
secondary school girls and university women that there is “no romance
without finance”—a closer look at these relationships suggests that they
are much more complicated than portrayed in the stereotypical image of
rich men exchanging money for sex with impoverished young women.13
Young women frequently have motives other than the alleviation of
poverty. Indeed, typical female participants in these sugar daddy
relationships are not the truly poor but rather young women who are in
urban secondary schools or universities and who seek and represent a
kind of modern femininity. They are frequently relatively educated, they
are almost always highly fashionable, and although their motivations
for having a sugar daddy may be largely economic, they are usually
looking for more than money to feed themselves.
For
married men, the pretty, urban, educated young women who are the most
desirable girlfriends provide not only sex but also the opportunity, or
at least the fantasy, of having more exciting, stylish, and modern sex
than what they have with their wives. At a sports club in Owerri where I
spent many evenings during fieldwork and where men frequently discussed
their extramarital experiences, a 52-year-old businessman described a
recent encounter with a young university student to the delight of his
mates: “Sometimes you think you are going to teach these girls
something, but, hey, this girl was teaching me.” Married men who have
younger girl-friends assert a brand of masculinity wherein sexual
prowess, economic capability, and modern sensibility are intertwined.
Male Peer Groups
Masculinity is created and expressed both in men’s relationships to women and in their relationships with other men.14
In male-dominated social settings such as social clubs, sports clubs,
sections of the marketplace, and particular bars and eateries, Igbo men
commonly talk about their girlfriends and sometimes show them off. Male
peer groups are a significant factor in many men’s motivations for and
behaviors in extramarital relationships.
Although it is
not uncommon to hear men boast about their sexual exploits to their
peers—frequently alluding to styles and practices that are considered
simultaneously wild and modern, another strand of discourse emerges when
men explain their motivations. Many men reported that they enjoyed the
feeling of taking care of another woman, of being able to provide her
with material and social comforts and luxuries. In a candid discussion
over beers with several men about men’s motives for extramarital lovers,
a 46-year-old man known among his peers as One Man Show for his
penchant for keeping multiple young women, explained, “It’s not only
about the sex. I like to buy them things, take them to nice places, give
them good meals, and make them feel they are being taken care of. I
like the feeling of satisfaction that comes from taking care of women,
providing for them.” Masculinity proved by provisioning a girlfriend
parallels the way men talk about taking care of their wives and
families. It foregrounds the connections between masculinity and money
and between gender and economics more generally.
It is
clear that men with money have easier access to and, it seems, more
frequent extramarital sex. But poorer men engage in extramarital sex as
well, and their relationships with female partners also typically
include some form of transaction, whether it is paying a sex worker or
giving gifts to a girlfriend, albeit at a lower financial level than
that of more elite men. Although there is no doubt that the desire to
forge and present a modern masculine identity combines issues of
economics and gender, not all men’s extramarital relationships can be
easily explained in these terms. Nearly all men noted the importance of
keeping affairs secret from their wives, but in the marital case-study
interviews, many men emphasized discretion much more broadly. They hide
their extramarital relationships not only from their wives but from
virtually everyone. In such cases it is not easy to attribute men’s
motives to their desire to appear masculine and economically potent to
their fellow men, although men’s more private relationships may still be
internalized expressions of masculinity and status.
Some
men had occasional extramarital sexual liaisons that appeared to be
about little more than sex. In a few cases men seemed genuinely unhappy
in their marriages, and in rare instances men fell in love with their
extramarital partners. But by and large, men tended to see their
extramarital relationships as independent of the quality of their
marriages, and in their minds, extramarital relationships posed no
threat to a marriage so long as they were kept secret from wives and so
long as men did not waste so many resources on girlfriends that they
neglected their obligations to their wives and families.
SEX, SECRECY, AND THE RISK OF HIV
Unraveling
the issue of secrecy in relation to men’s extramarital sex is crucial
for understanding some of the contradictory dynamics that contribute
directly to the ways that men’s extramarital sexual relationships
translate into married women’s risk of contracting HIV from their
husbands. On the one hand, nearly all men want to keep their
extramarital relationships secret from their wives, although on rare
occasions a man in a troubled marital relationship in which there is no
longer much pretense of harmony will openly flaunt his infidelity. On
the other hand, for a significant proportion of men—in this sample about
half of all men who admitted having extramarital sex—it is apparent
that there would be much less benefit to having extramarital affairs
without the opportunity to display masculine sexual and economic prowess
to peers. But even among men who like to show off their girlfriends to
their male peers, there is a general tendency to try to hide these
relationships not only from their wives but also from their extended
families and their communities, especially in the village setting. In
part, this is a means of protecting their wives and children from
harmful gossip, but it is also a means to protect their own reputations.
In their church congregations, their village associations, and their
extended families, men live up to very different expectations than in
some of their more urban-influenced peer groups.
The
correlation between concerns about social reputation and secrecy
regarding extramarital sex also strongly influences the approach of most
women to their husbands’ infidelity. In effect, women have multiple
reasons to remain silent about suspicions or evidence of their husbands’
extramarital affairs. In more modern marriages, in which couples
conceive of their marriage as their own choice, romantic love is
frequently an important reason for marrying, and the conjugal unit is
viewed as the primary locus of family decisionmaking, women risk
undermining whatever leverage they have, because their influence is
directly tied to the presumption of an intimate and trusting
relationship, by openly confronting infidelity. Further, in modern
marriages, women are less willing to call on their kin and in-laws for
support in such cases, not only because these marriages are more
independent from extended families but also because of the ideology that
in such marriages a man’s happiness (and thus his proclivity to seek
outside women) is directly related to the capacity of his wife to please
him.
What this means for many Igbo
wives is that they risk not only losing their husbands’ support if they
confront his cheating but also possibly bearing the blame in the eyes of
their community (including their female peers) for allowing (or even
pushing) their husbands to stray. Most women in the marital interviews
were more comfortable talking about other people’s experiences with
husbands’ infidelity than about their own, but many women described a
common dilemma. A 38-year-old married mother of 4 living in Ubakala
said, “In this our society, when a man cheats on his wife, it is often
the wife who will be blamed. People will say it is because she did not
feed him well, she refused him in bed, or she is quarrelsome. And it is
often our fellow women who are most likely to blame the wife.” As a
result, although almost all women acknowledged that many men cheat, very
few would say openly that they think their own husbands cheat.15
CONDOMS AND PERCEPTIONS OF SEXUAL MORALITY
For
women whose husbands cheat, protecting themselves through condom use is
difficult, if not impossible. Further, they cannot expect that their
husbands will have used condoms in their extramarital relationships.
Before public awareness about HIV was widespread in Nigeria, many
factors contributed to relatively low use of condoms. Levels of
awareness, availability, and affordability remain issues for the poorest
and least-educated segments of the population. The impediments to
condom use are heightened by popular misperceptions about HIV/AIDS. Even
among people who know about condoms, widely circulating rumors suggest
they are sometimes ineffective and potentially threatening to health.
Further, a common perception exists that condoms symbolize impersonal or
promiscuous sex.16
Together, such factors inhibit condom use in many premarital and
extramarital relationships, despite the fact that usually neither party
wants a pregnancy. In addition, in many extramarital relationships,
economic, gender, and generational inequalities make it difficult for
women to negotiate condom use with their typically older and wealthier
male partners.17
Ironically, the HIV epidemic has further complicated possibilities for
condom use because, in a context in which the risk of HIV is popularly
associated with sexual immorality, suggesting a condom is tantamount to
asserting that one’s partner is risky and hence guilty of sexual
impropriety.
For women who suspect their husbands of
infidelity, suggesting condom use for marital sex poses multiple
problems. Asking for a condom may imply she does not want to become
pregnant, which itself can create tension because reproduction is so
highly valued. Perhaps worse, her request may be interpreted as
indicating that she suspects not only that her husband is cheating but
that the type of extramarital sex he is having is risky and, by
implication, debauched. What is more, the meaning of her request may be
inverted by her spouse and turned against her with an accusation that it
is she who is being unfaithful. Responding to a question about whether
his wife had ever asked him to use a condom, a 34-year-old father of 3
exclaimed, “How can she? Is she crazy? A woman asking her husband to use
a condom is putting herself in the position of a whore. What does she
need a condom with her man for, unless she is flirting around outside
the married house?” All of these possibilities have become more highly
charged in the era of HIV/AIDS, when sexual immorality is associated
with a deadly disease.
The ultimate
irony is that for women in the most modern marriages, in which the
conjugal relationship is primary and romantic love is often an explicit
foundation of the relationship, confronting a man about infidelity or
insisting on condom use may be even more difficult. In such marriages, a
woman challenging her husband’s extramarital behavior or asking for a
condom may be undermining the very basis for the marriage and
threatening whatever leverage she has with her husband by implying that
the relationship itself has been broken. In southeastern Nigeria, where
it remains socially imperative to be married, women cannot easily
confront, challenge, or control their husbands’ extramarital sexual
behavior. The secrets and silences that result from these relationship
dynamics can exacerbate married women’s risk of HIV infection.