For
 women in Nigeria, as in many settings, simply being married can 
contribute to the risk of contracting HIV. I studied men’s extramarital 
sexual behavior in the context of modern marriage in southeastern 
Nigeria. The results indicate that the social organization of infidelity
 is shaped by economic inequality, aspirations for modern lifestyles, 
gender disparities, and contradictory moralities. It is men’s anxieties 
and ambivalence about masculinity, sexual morality, and social 
reputation in the context of seeking modern lifestyles—rather than 
immoral sexual behavior and traditional culture—that exacerbate the 
risks of HIV/AIDS.
Data
 from around the world, including Nigeria, suggest that married women’s 
greatest risk of contracting HIV is through sexual intercourse with 
their husbands.1
 The implication is that men are acquiring HIV outside of marriage and 
infecting their wives. At first glance, modern marriage in Nigeria would
 seem to offer women greater autonomy and equality and perhaps 
protection from HIV. The growing prevalence of monogamy, declining 
fertility, a trend toward neolocal residence (establishing marital 
residence independent of kin) and nuclear household organization, 
women’s increasing education and participation in the formal workforce 
as more people migrate to cities, and the rise of love as an important 
rationale in the selection of a spouse all suggest the possibility of 
growing gender equality in marriage. But the findings presented in this 
study show that gender inequality persists in powerful ways, manifested 
perhaps most obviously—and certainly most dangerously with regard to the
 risk of HIV infection—in a pronounced double standard for extramarital 
sexuality. In contemporary Nigeria, married men are much more likely 
than married women to engage in extramarital sex, and it is more 
acceptable for them to do so.2
The
 prevalence of men’s participation in extramarital sex and the fact that
 women’s sexuality is, ironically, the target of popular discourse about
 sexual immorality attest to the persistence of gender inequality.3
 Modern marriage in Nigeria, despite its appearance of greater equality,
 places many women in positions in which they cannot easily confront 
their husbands about infidelity or protect themselves from possible HIV 
infection. The findings presented here, however, go further than simply 
attributing the marital transmission of HIV to men’s behavior. Men’s 
extramarital sexual practices are situated in economic, social, and 
moral contexts. The social organization of extramarital sexuality is 
shaped by aspirations for modern amenities and middle-class consumption,
 the influence of urban fashions, and changing expectations of 
sexuality. My findings show that these goals and values are themselves 
shaped by economic inequality, gender disparities, and powerful and 
contradictory moralities. I argue against notions of African traditions,
 promiscuous women, and pervasive immorality as the causes of Nigeria’s 
and Africa’s AIDS epidemic.
The data demonstrate that 
married men’s risky sexual behavior and their wives’ inability to 
protect themselves can be understood and explained without resorting to 
the common fallacy of blaming the victims. It is people’s anxieties 
about sexual morality in the context of seeking modern lifestyles—rather
 than immoral sexual behavior somehow associated with traditional 
culture—that exacerbate risks produced by poverty and inequality. The 
focus here on how men navigate modernity, morality, and masculinity as 
they engage in extramarital relationships highlights the importance of 
intervening directly with men to address women’s risk of contracting 
HIV. Public health interventions focusing on men in Nigeria and similar 
settings where men’s extramarital sex is common and gender inequality is
 marked are urgently needed.
Nigeria is the 
most populous country in Africa, with more than 130 million people. With
 the current adult HIV seroprevalence estimated at 5%, some 3.5 million 
people are infected.4
 Worst-case scenarios suggest that in the next decade infection rates 
could escalate to 20%, producing more than 10 million new cases.5
 More moderate forecasts, such as the Nigerian government’s estimates, 
acknowledge that by 2015, some 8 million Nigerians will have died from 
AIDS-related causes.6
 With the country’s testing and antiretroviral therapy programs still 
reaching only a fraction of the target population, effective prevention 
efforts remain a crucial strategy. But perhaps not surprisingly, in a 
context in which both popular and political discourse on the disease 
continue to emphasize sexual immorality as a primary risk factor, little
 appetite exists for focusing on the risks of marital transmission. Even
 as—and largely because—marriage remains the single most important 
social duty and marker of adulthood in Nigeria, both policymakers and 
ordinary citizens remain resistant to the idea that marriage must be 
understood as a risk factor for HIV infection.
STUDY SETTING AND RESEARCH DESIGN
The
 study was undertaken in 2 communities in Igbo-speaking southeastern 
Nigeria, where I have worked and conducted research since 1989. The 
project areas included the semirural community of Ubakala in Abia State 
and the city of Owerri in Imo State. Ubakala is made up of 11 villages 
and has a total resident population of approximately 24 000 people. Most
 households rely economically on a combination of farming, trading, 
employment, and remittances from migrants. The community is about 6 
miles from the town of Umuahia, and everyday life is increasingly 
affected by the close proximity of an urban center. Further, the vast 
majority of adults in Ubakala have lived a year or more in one of 
Nigeria’s many cities, and at any given time, more than half the people 
who consider Ubakala their home are living outside the community, mostly
 in Nigeria’s far-flung cities and towns. With very few exceptions, the 
entire population of Ubakala is Christian, and most people are regular 
participants in the activities of 1 of the many churches present in the 
area. A majority of men and women younger than 50 years have completed 
at least primary school and are literate, and nearly all parents aspire 
to have their children attend secondary school and a university. Despite
 significant changes over the past several decades that have placed 
strains on traditional systems of social organization, ties of kinship 
and community remain powerful among both Ubakala residents and their 
migrant brethren.
Owerri is the capital of Imo State and
 has a population of approximately 350 000 people. Many of the city’s 
residents work as civil servants for the state government, but there are
 also large commercial and service sectors. The bulk of the population 
is made up of migrants from rural areas, most of whom retain close ties 
to their places of origin. As in Ubakala and in the entire southeastern 
region, Christianity is nearly ubiquitous. In addition, Owerri is the 
home of 4 colleges and universities and has a student population of 
close to 100 000. Partly because of the presence of colleges and 
universities, which concentrate a large population of educated young 
women, married men’s favored partners for extramarital affairs, the city
 has a reputation throughout southern Nigeria as a hub for extramarital 
sexual relationships. Owerri was selected as a second site to explore 
rural–urban differences in perceptions and practices in modern marriage 
and in men’s extramarital sexual behavior and because of its supposed 
status as a breeding ground for infidelity.
I spent 
June to December 2004 in Nigeria, living in a household in Ubakala that 
included a married woman, several children, and a migrant husband, and 
in a household in Owerri with a young newlywed couple. Four local 
research assistants were hired to assist with marital case-study 
interviews in both sites. Two female research assistants conducted the 
marital case study interviews with women in Ubakala; I conducted the 
interviews with men. In Owerri, male and female assistants conducted the
 marital case study interviews with men and women, respectively. I 
conducted participant observation in both settings and was responsible 
for key informant interviews in each venue. Table 1 ![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) provides a summary of key participant observation venues and 
activities. Key informants included community leaders, religious 
leaders, government and nongovernment medical and public health 
officials, commercial sex workers, and people living with HIV/AIDS. 
Popular cultural and archival materials related to marriage, sexuality, 
and Nigeria’s HIV epidemic were also collected.
 provides a summary of key participant observation venues and 
activities. Key informants included community leaders, religious 
leaders, government and nongovernment medical and public health 
officials, commercial sex workers, and people living with HIV/AIDS. 
Popular cultural and archival materials related to marriage, sexuality, 
and Nigeria’s HIV epidemic were also collected.
![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) provides a summary of key participant observation venues and 
activities. Key informants included community leaders, religious 
leaders, government and nongovernment medical and public health 
officials, commercial sex workers, and people living with HIV/AIDS. 
Popular cultural and archival materials related to marriage, sexuality, 
and Nigeria’s HIV epidemic were also collected.
 provides a summary of key participant observation venues and 
activities. Key informants included community leaders, religious 
leaders, government and nongovernment medical and public health 
officials, commercial sex workers, and people living with HIV/AIDS. 
Popular cultural and archival materials related to marriage, sexuality, 
and Nigeria’s HIV epidemic were also collected.
Marital
 case studies were conducted with 20 couples, 14 residing in Ubakala and
 6 residing in Owerri. The couples were selected opportunistically with 
the objective of sampling marriages of different generations and 
duration, couples with a range of socioeconomic and educational 
profiles, and marriages in both rural and urban settings. People in 
Owerri and Ubakala were better off economically than were residents of 
some other regions of Nigeria. Although the sample in the marital case 
studies is skewed to what might be described as an aspiring middle class
 (most couples were not actually middle class), because of rising 
education levels and increasing urban exposure that are common in 
southeastern Nigeria, most Igbo people share characteristics and 
aspirations evident in the sample. For individual couples, men were 
almost always older than their wives (typically by 5–10 years) and 
tended to have higher incomes. However, educational disparities between 
husbands and wives, although skewed in favor of men, were relatively 
small, reflecting both the overall increase in access to education and 
people’s preference to marry partners of similar accomplishment. A 
breakdown of the marital case study sample is provided in Table 2 ![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) .
.
![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) .
.
Sample Characteristics of the Couples (N = 20) in the Marital Case Study Sample: Southeastern Nigeria, June–December 2004
Interviews
 were conducted in 3 parts, generally in 3 sessions, each approximately 1
 to 1.5 hours in duration. Husbands and wives were interviewed 
separately. All respondents agreed to participation after being 
presented with protocols for informed consent approved by institutional 
review boards in both the United States and Nigeria. The first interview
 concentrated primarily on pre-marital experiences, courtship, and the 
early stages of marriage. The second interview examined in greater depth
 the overall experience of marriage, including issues such as marital 
communication, decisionmaking, child rearing, resolution of disputes, 
relations with family, and changes in the marital relationship over 
time. The final interview focused on marital sexuality, extramarital 
sexual relationships, and understandings and experiences regarding 
HIV/AIDS. All interviews were tape recorded and transcribed, and the 
interviews were coded using ATLAS.ti (ATLAS.ti GmbH, Berlin, Germany) 
ethnographic software.
MODERN MARRIAGE IN SOUTHEASTERN NIGERIA
Scholars of West African society have long recognized the pronounced social importance of marriage and fertility in the region.7
 Over the past several decades, African societies changed dramatically, 
and with these changes the institution of marriage was also transformed.
 Modern marriages were becoming increasingly common in urban centers in 
West Africa more than 50 years ago, and in some places these changes 
have even earlier roots.8
 In Igbo-speaking southeastern Nigeria, urban elites have practiced what
 might be called modern marriage since the 1950s, but only in the past 2
 or 3 decades have new forms of marriage become common among ordinary 
people, including in rural areas.9
Perhaps
 the most concise way to contrast modern Igbo marriages with the past is
 to note that young couples see their marriages as a life project in 
which they as a couple are the primary actors, whereas their parents’ 
marriages were more obviously embedded in the structures of the extended
 family. The differences are most pronounced in narratives about 
courtship, in the way husbands and wives describe how they resolve 
marital quarrels and in the way they make decisions about and contribute
 to their children’s education. In each of these arenas, people in more 
modern marriages tend to emphasize the primacy of the individual couple,
 often in conscious opposition to the constraints imposed by ties to 
kinship and community. Table 3 ![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) summarizes the predominant characteristics of modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria.
 summarizes the predominant characteristics of modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria.
![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) summarizes the predominant characteristics of modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria.
 summarizes the predominant characteristics of modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria.
It
 is important not to exaggerate these trends. Even in the most modern 
marriages, ties to kin and community remain strong, and marriage and 
child rearing continue to be strongly embedded in the values and social 
networks of the extended-family system. Indeed, the continued importance
 of ties to family and community and ongoing concerns about the 
collective expectations of wider social networks permeate people’s 
stories of modern courtship, the resolution of marital disputes, and 
decisions about child rearing. The choice of a spouse based on love is, 
in almost all cases, still subjected to the advice and consent of 
families. The fact that modern marriage in southeastern Nigeria remains a
 resolutely social endeavor creates contradictions for younger couples, 
who must navigate not only their individual relationships but also the 
outward representation of their marriages to kin and community. Most 
couples seek to portray their marriages to themselves and to others as 
being modern but also moral, and this is crucial to explaining the 
dynamics of men’s extramarital sexual relationships, married women’s 
responses to men’s infidelity, and the risk of HIV infection in 
marriage.
GENDER AND THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION OF EXTRAMARITAL SEX
The prevalence of married men’s participation in extramarital sex in Nigeria is well documented.10
 However, conventional scholarly understandings and explanations for the
 phenomenon are not persuasive. Because they tend to reproduce common 
stereotypes, they often ignore the diversity and complexity of these 
relationships and overlook men’s ambivalence that sometimes accompanies 
this behavior. As in many societies, people in southeastern Nigeria 
commonly attribute men’s more frequent participation in extramarital 
sexual relationships to some sort of innate male predisposition, and 
this perspective is well represented in the literature.11
 Some men and women interviewed in the marital case studies articulated 
this view. In response to a question about why married men seek 
extramarital lovers, a 54-year-old civil engineer in Owerri repeated a 
pidgin English phrase heard frequently among Nigerian men: “Man no be 
wood. It’s something men need, especially African men. You know we have a
 polygamous culture. This practice of marrying only one wife is the 
influence of Christianity. But men still have that desire for more than 
one woman.” Only a piece of wood, he implies, lacks an outward-looking 
sexual appetite.
Although it is important to 
note that many Nigerian men and women share a conception of men’s sexual
 desire that includes a notion that men naturally need or want multiple 
sexual partners, not everyone sees it this way. Further, explaining 
men’s extramarital sexual behavior in these terms is insufficient 
because sexual desires do not emerge or operate in a social and cultural
 vacuum. Rather, interviewing men about their extramarital 
relationships, listening to men’s conversations among themselves 
pertaining to these relationships, and observing men interacting with 
their extramarital partners in various public or semi-public settings 
revealed several patterns in the social organization of extramarital 
sex. Three sociological factors are particularly important for 
explaining the opportunity structures that facilitate men’s 
participation in extramarital sexual relationships: work-related 
migration, socioeconomic status, and involvement in predominately male 
peer groups that encourage or reward extramarital sexual relations. 
Table 4 ![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) summarizes the explanations of how each of these factors functions.
 summarizes the explanations of how each of these factors functions.
![[triangle]](http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcents/rtrif.gif) summarizes the explanations of how each of these factors functions.
 summarizes the explanations of how each of these factors functions.
Primary Factors Influencing Men’s Extramarital Sexual Behavior: Southeastern Nigeria, June–December 2004
Mobility and Migration
Of
 the 20 men interviewed in the marital case studies, 14 reported having 
extramarital sex at some point during their marriages, and of the 6 who 
said they had not engaged in extramarital sex, 4 had been married less 
than 5 years. Approximately half of all the cases of extramarital 
relationships described in the interviews occurred in situations in 
which work-related mobility was a factor.12
 In contemporary southeastern Nigeria, both short-term and long-term 
absences caused by work-related mobility and migration are exceedingly 
common. For men and women who work for the government, by far Nigeria’s 
largest formal employer, frequent transfers often separate families. 
Further, the country’s insecure economy and the prevalence of 
participation by Igbo people in commercial activities of every scale 
require frequent mobility and migration, often resulting in periods of 
spousal separation.
Men whose work takes them away from
 their wives and families are more likely to have extramarital 
relationships, and they frequently attribute their behavior to the 
opportunities and hardships produced by these absences. A 47-year-old 
civil servant whose postings frequently took him away from his family 
explained a relatively long-term relationship with a woman in 1 of the 
places he was transferred: “I stayed a long time without my wife. But 
eventually this woman befriended me. She was a widow and a very nice 
woman. She cooked for me and provided companionship. Later, I was 
transferred back home, and it was over. It was like that.” Although 
men’s representations of hardship as a justification for extramarital 
sex contradict the realities of male privilege in Nigeria’s 
gender-unequal social order, they nevertheless reflect many Nigerians’ 
sense that work-related migration creates not only opportunities but 
also pressures to become involved in extramarital relationships.
Further,
 extramarital relationships in the context of economically driven 
migration can be more easily hidden from wives, family, and neighbors. 
Every man in the sample who admitted to having extramarital sex 
expressed the importance of keeping such relationships secret not only 
from his wife but also from his extended family and local community. 
Men’s motivations for keeping extramarital relationships hidden included
 not only a desire to maintain peace and uphold the appearance of 
fidelity for their wives but also a clear concern over their own social 
reputation. The civil servant who described his away-from-home 
relationship with a widow also said, “I am a matured man with 
responsibilities in my community—in the church, in various associations.
 I hold offices in these organizations. I can’t be seen to be running 
here and there chasing after women. My own son is almost a man now. How 
can I advise him if I am known for doing this and that?” To the degree 
that male infidelity is socially acceptable, it is even more strongly 
expected that outside affairs should not threaten a marriage, and this 
mandates discretion. Many men were ambivalent about their extramarital 
sexual behavior, but in most cases they viewed it as acceptable, given 
an appropriate degree of prudence so as not to disgrace their spouses, 
themselves, and their families.
Masculinity and Socioeconomic Status
For
 the vast majority of male interviewees, issues of socioeconomic status,
 specifically the intersection of economic and gender inequality, 
featured in accounts of their extramarital relationships. Most often, a 
man’s relationship to his female lover included an expectation that the 
man provide certain kinds of economic support. Men frequently view 
extramarital relationships as arenas for the expression of economic and 
masculine status. Indeed, it is necessary to understand the intertwining
 of masculinity and wealth, and gender and economics more generally, to 
make sense of the most common forms of extramarital sexual relationships
 in southeastern Nigeria.
In popular discourse, the 
most common form of economically driven extramarital relationships is 
said to be so-called “sugar daddy” relationships, wherein married men of
 means engage in sexual relationships with much younger women with the 
expectation that the men will provide various forms of economic support 
in exchange for sex. Although many Nigerians, including many of the 
participants in these relationships, view sugar daddy relationships in 
fairly stark economic terms—exemplified by a common expression among 
secondary school girls and university women that there is “no romance 
without finance”—a closer look at these relationships suggests that they
 are much more complicated than portrayed in the stereotypical image of 
rich men exchanging money for sex with impoverished young women.13
 Young women frequently have motives other than the alleviation of 
poverty. Indeed, typical female participants in these sugar daddy 
relationships are not the truly poor but rather young women who are in 
urban secondary schools or universities and who seek and represent a 
kind of modern femininity. They are frequently relatively educated, they
 are almost always highly fashionable, and although their motivations 
for having a sugar daddy may be largely economic, they are usually 
looking for more than money to feed themselves.
For
 married men, the pretty, urban, educated young women who are the most 
desirable girlfriends provide not only sex but also the opportunity, or 
at least the fantasy, of having more exciting, stylish, and modern sex 
than what they have with their wives. At a sports club in Owerri where I
 spent many evenings during fieldwork and where men frequently discussed
 their extramarital experiences, a 52-year-old businessman described a 
recent encounter with a young university student to the delight of his 
mates: “Sometimes you think you are going to teach these girls 
something, but, hey, this girl was teaching me.” Married men who have 
younger girl-friends assert a brand of masculinity wherein sexual 
prowess, economic capability, and modern sensibility are intertwined.
Male Peer Groups
Masculinity is created and expressed both in men’s relationships to women and in their relationships with other men.14
 In male-dominated social settings such as social clubs, sports clubs, 
sections of the marketplace, and particular bars and eateries, Igbo men 
commonly talk about their girlfriends and sometimes show them off. Male 
peer groups are a significant factor in many men’s motivations for and 
behaviors in extramarital relationships.
Although it is
 not uncommon to hear men boast about their sexual exploits to their 
peers—frequently alluding to styles and practices that are considered 
simultaneously wild and modern, another strand of discourse emerges when
 men explain their motivations. Many men reported that they enjoyed the 
feeling of taking care of another woman, of being able to provide her 
with material and social comforts and luxuries. In a candid discussion 
over beers with several men about men’s motives for extramarital lovers,
 a 46-year-old man known among his peers as One Man Show for his 
penchant for keeping multiple young women, explained, “It’s not only 
about the sex. I like to buy them things, take them to nice places, give
 them good meals, and make them feel they are being taken care of. I 
like the feeling of satisfaction that comes from taking care of women, 
providing for them.” Masculinity proved by provisioning a girlfriend 
parallels the way men talk about taking care of their wives and 
families. It foregrounds the connections between masculinity and money 
and between gender and economics more generally.
It is 
clear that men with money have easier access to and, it seems, more 
frequent extramarital sex. But poorer men engage in extramarital sex as 
well, and their relationships with female partners also typically 
include some form of transaction, whether it is paying a sex worker or 
giving gifts to a girlfriend, albeit at a lower financial level than 
that of more elite men. Although there is no doubt that the desire to 
forge and present a modern masculine identity combines issues of 
economics and gender, not all men’s extramarital relationships can be 
easily explained in these terms. Nearly all men noted the importance of 
keeping affairs secret from their wives, but in the marital case-study 
interviews, many men emphasized discretion much more broadly. They hide 
their extramarital relationships not only from their wives but from 
virtually everyone. In such cases it is not easy to attribute men’s 
motives to their desire to appear masculine and economically potent to 
their fellow men, although men’s more private relationships may still be
 internalized expressions of masculinity and status.
Some
 men had occasional extramarital sexual liaisons that appeared to be 
about little more than sex. In a few cases men seemed genuinely unhappy 
in their marriages, and in rare instances men fell in love with their 
extramarital partners. But by and large, men tended to see their 
extramarital relationships as independent of the quality of their 
marriages, and in their minds, extramarital relationships posed no 
threat to a marriage so long as they were kept secret from wives and so 
long as men did not waste so many resources on girlfriends that they 
neglected their obligations to their wives and families.
SEX, SECRECY, AND THE RISK OF HIV
Unraveling
 the issue of secrecy in relation to men’s extramarital sex is crucial 
for understanding some of the contradictory dynamics that contribute 
directly to the ways that men’s extramarital sexual relationships 
translate into married women’s risk of contracting HIV from their 
husbands. On the one hand, nearly all men want to keep their 
extramarital relationships secret from their wives, although on rare 
occasions a man in a troubled marital relationship in which there is no 
longer much pretense of harmony will openly flaunt his infidelity. On 
the other hand, for a significant proportion of men—in this sample about
 half of all men who admitted having extramarital sex—it is apparent 
that there would be much less benefit to having extramarital affairs 
without the opportunity to display masculine sexual and economic prowess
 to peers. But even among men who like to show off their girlfriends to 
their male peers, there is a general tendency to try to hide these 
relationships not only from their wives but also from their extended 
families and their communities, especially in the village setting. In 
part, this is a means of protecting their wives and children from 
harmful gossip, but it is also a means to protect their own reputations.
 In their church congregations, their village associations, and their 
extended families, men live up to very different expectations than in 
some of their more urban-influenced peer groups.
The 
correlation between concerns about social reputation and secrecy 
regarding extramarital sex also strongly influences the approach of most
 women to their husbands’ infidelity. In effect, women have multiple 
reasons to remain silent about suspicions or evidence of their husbands’
 extramarital affairs. In more modern marriages, in which couples 
conceive of their marriage as their own choice, romantic love is 
frequently an important reason for marrying, and the conjugal unit is 
viewed as the primary locus of family decisionmaking, women risk 
undermining whatever leverage they have, because their influence is 
directly tied to the presumption of an intimate and trusting 
relationship, by openly confronting infidelity. Further, in modern 
marriages, women are less willing to call on their kin and in-laws for 
support in such cases, not only because these marriages are more 
independent from extended families but also because of the ideology that
 in such marriages a man’s happiness (and thus his proclivity to seek 
outside women) is directly related to the capacity of his wife to please
 him.
What this means for many Igbo 
wives is that they risk not only losing their husbands’ support if they 
confront his cheating but also possibly bearing the blame in the eyes of
 their community (including their female peers) for allowing (or even 
pushing) their husbands to stray. Most women in the marital interviews 
were more comfortable talking about other people’s experiences with 
husbands’ infidelity than about their own, but many women described a 
common dilemma. A 38-year-old married mother of 4 living in Ubakala 
said, “In this our society, when a man cheats on his wife, it is often 
the wife who will be blamed. People will say it is because she did not 
feed him well, she refused him in bed, or she is quarrelsome. And it is 
often our fellow women who are most likely to blame the wife.” As a 
result, although almost all women acknowledged that many men cheat, very
 few would say openly that they think their own husbands cheat.15
CONDOMS AND PERCEPTIONS OF SEXUAL MORALITY
For
 women whose husbands cheat, protecting themselves through condom use is
 difficult, if not impossible. Further, they cannot expect that their 
husbands will have used condoms in their extramarital relationships. 
Before public awareness about HIV was widespread in Nigeria, many 
factors contributed to relatively low use of condoms. Levels of 
awareness, availability, and affordability remain issues for the poorest
 and least-educated segments of the population. The impediments to 
condom use are heightened by popular misperceptions about HIV/AIDS. Even
 among people who know about condoms, widely circulating rumors suggest 
they are sometimes ineffective and potentially threatening to health. 
Further, a common perception exists that condoms symbolize impersonal or
 promiscuous sex.16
 Together, such factors inhibit condom use in many premarital and 
extramarital relationships, despite the fact that usually neither party 
wants a pregnancy. In addition, in many extramarital relationships, 
economic, gender, and generational inequalities make it difficult for 
women to negotiate condom use with their typically older and wealthier 
male partners.17
 Ironically, the HIV epidemic has further complicated possibilities for 
condom use because, in a context in which the risk of HIV is popularly 
associated with sexual immorality, suggesting a condom is tantamount to 
asserting that one’s partner is risky and hence guilty of sexual 
impropriety.
For women who suspect their husbands of 
infidelity, suggesting condom use for marital sex poses multiple 
problems. Asking for a condom may imply she does not want to become 
pregnant, which itself can create tension because reproduction is so 
highly valued. Perhaps worse, her request may be interpreted as 
indicating that she suspects not only that her husband is cheating but 
that the type of extramarital sex he is having is risky and, by 
implication, debauched. What is more, the meaning of her request may be 
inverted by her spouse and turned against her with an accusation that it
 is she who is being unfaithful. Responding to a question about whether 
his wife had ever asked him to use a condom, a 34-year-old father of 3 
exclaimed, “How can she? Is she crazy? A woman asking her husband to use
 a condom is putting herself in the position of a whore. What does she 
need a condom with her man for, unless she is flirting around outside 
the married house?” All of these possibilities have become more highly 
charged in the era of HIV/AIDS, when sexual immorality is associated 
with a deadly disease.
The ultimate 
irony is that for women in the most modern marriages, in which the 
conjugal relationship is primary and romantic love is often an explicit 
foundation of the relationship, confronting a man about infidelity or 
insisting on condom use may be even more difficult. In such marriages, a
 woman challenging her husband’s extramarital behavior or asking for a 
condom may be undermining the very basis for the marriage and 
threatening whatever leverage she has with her husband by implying that 
the relationship itself has been broken. In southeastern Nigeria, where 
it remains socially imperative to be married, women cannot easily 
confront, challenge, or control their husbands’ extramarital sexual 
behavior. The secrets and silences that result from these relationship 
dynamics can exacerbate married women’s risk of HIV infection.
 
 
